Syrian Civil society and the peace process: roles and challenges
Introduction
The Syrian peace process is the ensemble of initiatives and plans to resolve the Syrian civil war, which has been ongoing in Syria since 2011 and has spilled beyond its borders. The peace process has been moderated by the Arab League, the UN Special Envoy on Syria, Russia and Western powers*1. The negotiating parties to end the conflict are typically representatives of the Syrian Ba’athist government and Syrian opposition, while the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria is usually excluded at the insistence of Turkey.*2–3| Radical Salafist forces and the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant have not engaged in any contacts on peaceful resolution to the conflict.
The attempts to find a solution to the Syrian conflict and bring stability to the Middle East began in late 2011, when the Arab League launched two initiatives, but without much success. Russia in January 2012 and in November 2013 suggested talks in Moscow between the Syrian government and the opposition. In March-May 2012, hopes were on a United Nations/Arab League plan coordinated by former UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan.
In January and February 2014, the Geneva II Conference on Syria took place, organised by then-UN envoy to Syria Lakhdar Brahimi. On 30 October 2015, further talks started in Vienna involving officials from the U.S., the EU, Russia, China and various regional actors such as Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Turkey and, for the first time, Iran. Peace talks with rebel leadership continued in Astana, Kazakhstan in 2017*4. The Kazakh officials are offering Astana as a neutral venue and “a natural home” for peace negotiations on Syria*5. The latest major effort to bring about an end to the war started in October 2019 in Geneva with the convening of the Syrian Constitutional Committee to draft a new constitution for Syria under the auspices of the United Nations.
Following up on the timeline of the peace process since 2012 until today, there have been many attempts to involve the Syrian civil society and give it the space for effective participation through different bodies and multiple roles. I seek through this paper to discuss the real role that Syrian civil society plays in the Syrian peace process and present A clear background on the various Syrian civil society bodies, their role and effectiveness, or just an addition that has no effect. And I ask my question here: Is the role of the Syrian civil society a real active role? Or is it just an official addition without any real and clear impact on the peace process?
Civil society from a literary background
The researcher in peace issues, Johan Galtung, used the term “peacebuilding” in 1976, and the former Secretary of the United Nations, Boutros Ghali, revived the term in the peace agenda he developed. The term “peacebuilding” is used in this context as a comprehensive term that refers to a set of activities concerned with building peace, or maintaining its stability and development, and thus includes peacebuilding in the post-crisis phase, early warning and prevention of crises, and includes external interventions and initiatives of local actors or as We can call it civil society. It can also include economic development, social justice and reconciliation, the empowerment of oppressed groups, and humanitarian support*6.
There is widespread acceptance of civic activities and the role of social actors within the framework of the nation-state. An acceptance that we find at least among the countries participating in the system of economic cooperation and development, at the political and academic levels. However, recognition of the importance of civil society is declining in global politics and in conflict situations. The number of agencies active in the areas of global development policy, humanitarian aid, human rights protection and environmental protection policies has increased dramatically in the last two decades. A similar development was also observed in the areas of conflict prevention, peacemaking and post-conflict reconstruction. As for the assessments of the roles and activities of civil society in all these areas, they are contradictory and opposite. There is also a heated and ongoing debate among politicians, civil society activists, and academics regarding the capabilities, effects, and legality of these activities.
Civil society is also defined by the term “non-state actors” in the framework of development cooperation, especially after the Cotonou Agreement*7 was signed between the European Union and the African, Caribbean and Pacific countries (ACP). In this context, it refers to a wide range of non-state actors involved in the development, whose participation in the cooperation between African, Caribbean and Pacific countries and the European Union has been officially recognized. According to Article 6 of the Convention, the term “non-state actors” includes: “civil society in all its diversity in accordance with national characteristics, economic and social partners, including trade organizations and unions, and the private sector.” In order to join the partnership, non-state actors must respond to social needs, possess development competencies, and a transparent and democratic internal organizational structure*8.
NGOs are commonly referred to as “non-governmental, non-profit groups with the objective of achieving the public interest”, with the exception of the private sector. The term broadly defined by the World Bank is widely used in the field of development cooperation. Operational Directive 70.14 of the World Bank defines NGOs as “private organizations engaged in activities aimed at alleviating suffering, representing the interests of the poor, protecting the environment, providing basic social services, and undertaking development in societies”. The term can also be used more broadly for any non-profit organization that is independent of government. NGOs are, as defined by the World Bank, “principled organizations that rely in part or on charitable donations and volunteer work” and “the principles of altruism and volunteerism are their core characteristics.” The World Bank distinguishes between two basic categories of NGOs that it deals with: first, operational NGOs, which are primarily concerned with designing and implementing development-related projects, and second, defence NGOs, which are primarily concerned with advocating for a specific cause and/or By its propaganda, it seeks to influence the policies and practices of international organizations.
Civil society is the field of voluntary and collective activities centered around common interests, principles and values, and it is “the mediating field between the state and the family that is filled by organizations separate from and independent of the state”*9. As for Merkel and Lauth*10, they distinguish between the political sphere (state administration, political parties and parliaments), the economic sphere (business and companies) and the private sphere, and they define civil society as the space in which the three spheres intersect. They also suggest that civil society is the ‘intermediate space’ of social actors, which means that actors can be linked to specific sectors, but they can also carry out activities in ‘civil society’. Spurk and Paffenholz*11 consider this to be the best definition of the term in the field of conflict resolution and peacebuilding, as this interpretation helps identify social actors outside of states or Western culture, such as traditional groups in Africa, for example, as elements of civil society.
It is from this diverse constellation of competing and intersecting terms that the definitions adopted in the following text are of the utmost importance. The term “NGO” therefore refers to non-profit organizations involved in the development, humanitarian aid, defence of human rights, and work for peace at the international, regional and local levels, and in contrast, the term “civil society” is used as an expanded concept related to state-building activities.
The term “civil society” is: a group of free voluntary organizations that fill the public sphere between the family and the state, to achieve the interests of its members, committed to the values and standards of respect, tolerance, and the proper management of diversity and difference. Civil society also includes all economic, social, political and cultural non-governmental and non-governmental institutions. Inheritance, which constitutes the social bonds between the individual and the state.
Civil society is also defined as: a deliberative society open to voluntary social practice through all the institutions that make up social life. From the large number of these definitions, however, the concept of civil society remains one of the most controversial concepts, because the meaning of this concept is not defined in the same way in relation to society, due to its ambiguity due to its complex nature and the multiple implications it contains.
Syrian civil society institutions associated with the Syrian peace process
Syrian civil society is divided into the Syrian peace process within different bodies, with the aim of playing a mediating or consensual role between the regime and the opposition and correcting the course of the peace process for the benefit of the Syrian people. In 2016, the former international envoy to Syria, Staffan de Mistura, announced the establishment of the “Civil Society Support Room” Known for its acronym “CSSR” in Geneva, which is the stage that can be considered a turning point in the work of the Syrian civil society, and later on, new bodies were added, and in the following, more about these bodies and their work*12–13.
Constitutional Committee
Security Council Resolution 2254 (2015) mandates the United Nations to facilitate the Syrian-led political process, which, among other things, sets a timetable and process for drafting a new constitution, under which free and fair elections will be held under the supervision of the United Nations, in accordance with the highest international standards of transparency and accountability, with All Syrians who can participate, including those living in the diaspora.
Pursuant to this resolution regarding the performance of his mandate, the UN Special Envoy for Syria has established a credible, balanced and inclusive Constitutional Committee, led and owned by Syria. The Constitutional Committee was established based on an agreement between the government of the Syrian Arab Republic and the opposition Syrian Negotiations Committee on a package of agreement on terms of reference and basic rules of procedure, announced by the Secretary-General of the United Nations on September 23, 2019.
In the context of the Geneva process facilitated by the United Nations, the Constitutional Committee is preparing and drafting a constitutional reform that will be submitted for public approval, as a contribution to the political settlement in Syria and the implementation of Security Council resolution 2254 (2015). Constitutional reform and Syrian constitutional practices shall be based. The Constitutional Committee can review the 2012 constitution, including in the context of other Syrian constitutional experiences, and amend the current constitution or draft a new one.
The Constitutional Committee consists of two bodies, small and expanded: the expanded body includes 150 men and women (50 candidates from the Syrian government; 50 candidates from the opposition Syrian Negotiations Committee; 50 candidates from civil society). The Constitutional Committee’s smaller body includes 45 men and women — (15 of the 50 government candidates; 15 of the 50 Syrian Negotiations Committee candidates; and 15 of the 50 civil society candidates).
The smaller body prepares and drafts the constitutional proposals, and the expanded body approves them. The expanded body can be held periodically or parallel while the smaller body continues its work, in order to discuss and approve the proposals. As the Special Envoy has strongly advocated, approximately 30 percent of the members of the expanded and small bodies are women.
The civil society list includes 50 names, some of whom are inclined toward the Syrian regime, and reside in Damascus, while another section holds an opposition viewpoint to the Syrian regime, as represented in the mini-group emanating from the committee of 15 members, divided into eight who support the view of the regime, and seven who support the view of the opposition.
Civil society contributed to the Constitutional Committee, for example, in the third session of the sixth round 10.2021, when the delegation presented a paper to the rest of the parties in which it affirmed that “the rule of law is the basis of governance in the state and all persons, institutions, entities, and the public and private sectors, including the state itself, are responsible before the laws of the state.” It is publicly issued, applied equally to all, and an independent judiciary is referred to within it, and that crimes committed in the country are not subject to a statute of limitations. The paper demanded that there be “equality, responsibility and justice before the law, separation of powers, participation in decision-making, avoidance of abuse, and procedural and legal transparency.” It also called for “Syrian men and women to be equal before the law in duties, rights, dignity and status”, and that “the state guarantees freedom, tranquillity and equal opportunities for all.” It included that “the international treaties to which the Syrian state is committed are in a position lower than the constitution and higher than national legislation.” It also affirmed that war crimes, crimes against humanity and human rights violations are all crimes with no statute of limitations, and state institutions are working to implement the principle of no impunity. And it stressed that “no one may be investigated or arrested except by virtue of an order or decision issued by the judicial authorities, or If he is thrown at him in flagrante delicto.” The paper called for the prohibition of torture or degrading treatment, the punishment of those who do so, the prohibition of establishing exceptional criminal courts, and the prohibition of trying civilians before military courts.
Civil society within the Constitutional Committee suffers from many challenges to show its true role, with the presence of many internal divisions. The Syrian regime sees civil society as an “extra third” that has no real role in the political peace process and must be abolished, but the list of civil society still exists, and participate in the meetings of the Constitutional Committee, and there was no official talk about cancelling it. On the contrary, work is now being done to strengthen the members of the 50 delegations by working on common concepts, providing support by the Office of the Special Envoy for Syria through experts, technicians and consultants, and holding workshops for all members to discuss the constitutional principles.
However, it is difficult to assess the situation of civil society through the previous constitutional committee sessions, and the reliance is now on a list of 22 people who are considered independent within the civil society list, and if this bloc can expand more and include independents from the delegation of the Syrian regime, it can It plays a positive role by finding solutions and bridging the gap, and placing demands that have nothing to do with authority as much as they do with the needs of the Syrians. It is expected that with the passage of the rounds, there may be the consensus among the members, but “homogeneity” does not necessarily happen, as everyone is against terrorism and is interested in the territorial integrity of Syria and they have the same rights and the same duties.
Civil society faces two entitlements. The first is how it should stay away from any project or methodology aimed at destroying Syrian civil society. The second is how to deal with the office of the UN Special Envoy for Syria, Geir Pedersen, and determine the extent of the relationship and the objectives of the relationship with this office.
The continuity of the work of the civil society group remains within the framework of expectations, while the upcoming rounds of the Constitutional Committee determine the individual and collective intention to give the civil society group a mediating role, contributing to achieving gains on the path of political transition or not.
The Civil Society Support Room — CSSR
The Civil Society Support Room was established in January 2016 by the Office of the Special Envoy for Syria as a platform to ensure an inclusive political process by consulting with and engaging a wide variety of civil society actors in Track Two of the peace process.
Through the Civil Society Support Room, civil society actors from organizations, independents, youth and women can meet, interact and exchange ideas among themselves on topics consistent with the Syrian peace process and the Syrian talks rounds in Geneva with the Office of the Special Envoy, and the concerned actors in the United Nations and international stakeholders, about the Syrians, their situation, their vision of the peace process, the future of Syria, constitutional issues, issues of detainees, abductees and missing persons, in addition to refugees, displaced persons and the humanitarian response. This committee receives support from Switzerland, Norway, the European Union and Sweden.
The role of the Civil Society Room is that of an advisory one through the suggestions and recommendations it makes to the UN Special Envoy and his team on issues directly related to the mediation process.
Since its establishment until today, the Civil Society Support Room, through its participants, has contributed to an activity aimed at creating a safe space for participants in the following five main areas: First, they shared their knowledge of the Syrian context and their experiences with the Special Envoy and his team; Second, they have been prominent advocates of a political solution to the conflict through their continued engagement; Third, they presented their unique perspectives and ideas on the wide range of issues that the Special Envoy is working to address within the political process; Fourth, participants in the Civil Society Support Room were able to create networks between organizations and actors operating in different geographic locations, crossing political divisions, and contributing significantly to maintaining social cohesion. Fifth, the participants in the Civil Society Support Room, thanks to their contributions and advocacy activities, provided more spaces and future opportunities for the active involvement of civil society in the political process.
By evaluating the role of the real civil society room, the impact on the Syrian peace process is very limited and did not exceed more than building a space for participants to discuss issues without any real political impact on the peace process. With a lot of organizational observations that clearly affect the effectiveness of the work of this room and the clarity of its role and impact, and from my personal assessment as one of the participants in its periodic activities: the content of the discussions that take place during the meetings of the civil society room is rarely reflected in any way Among the forms in the periodic briefings provided by the International Envoy for Syria to the Security Council, and that the topics of the meetings of the Civil Society Room are chosen in an unsystematic and unstudied manner, and this process lacks a specific methodology that follows up on previous discussions, builds on them, deepens them and talks them up. Invitations to meetings are not made on the basis of clear work programs, but under general headings for various issues. Neglecting to put detailed points for discussion under these headings threatens to empty these important issues of their content by continuing to discuss them in generalities, and to perpetuate dealing with them in a form rather than a substance.
In addition, no prior consultation process is coordinated with the organizations participating in the meetings to establish the titles and frameworks of the discussions. Invitations are sent to organizations and independents a few days before the meeting, which does not allow for any prior preparation that would be necessary to benefit and enrich the Room’s discussions. Those responsible for communicating with organizations and individuals who send invitations to organizations and institutions, do not have sufficient knowledge about the nature of the topics for which invitations are sent for discussion. They cannot, therefore, provide clarifications or answer questions from the participants in the meetings who are invited by the relevant organizations. they are not working to coordinate a final press conference at the conclusion of the work of the Civil Society Room to convey a clear picture of the contents and results of the Chamber’s work to the Syrians and the world.
Women’s Advisory Board (WAB)
The Syrian Women’s Advisory Board (WAB) was established by the Office of the Special Envoy in January 2016, in partnership with UN Women and with support from the UN Department of Political Affairs. This came after several years of efforts and calls by Syrian women’s rights activists for a direct and meaningful role in the peace talks.
The basic idea behind this Council is to ensure that the diverse perspectives of women and the gender equality agenda are taken into account at all stages of the political process and at key stages, including when the peace talks are held in Geneva. This is in line with Security Council resolution 1325 (2000); (and other resolutions related to women, peace and security; and Security Council resolution 2254 (2015) which “encourages the effective participation of women in the UN-facilitated political process in Syria.”)
The council consists of 17 women from diverse backgrounds and affiliations, but they share the commitment to participate in dialogue with all parties, support women’s rights and advocate for these rights, and support efforts to achieve a just and sustainable political settlement that achieves the aspirations of all Syrians, men and women. To this end, members commit to support a Syrian-led and owned political process, facilitated by the United Nations.
The Council met at pivotal moments in the UN-led political process, led and owned by Syria, including around the meetings of the Constitutional Committee, and consulted regularly with the Special Envoy and his team and relevant stakeholders. This Council receives support from the governments of the Netherlands, Norway and Finland, and appreciates further support from the European Union.
Despite the existence of the Women’s Advisory Board, women are still largely excluded from the formal peace process and makeup only 15 percent of negotiators at the Geneva peace talks.
An obvious role of the Women’s Advisory Board is to advise the Office of the Special Envoy on various issues relating to the political process. The WAB It aims to press for the inclusion of the Syrian people and the Syrian actors in the political negotiations, and the political solution based on Security Council Resolution №2254, adopted in 2015. Resolution 2254 calls for the establishment of “credible, inclusive, and non-sectarian governance” in Syria. It also calls for a timetable for drafting a new constitution and holding free and fair elections within 18 months. Whereas, the Women’s Advisory Board works to put pressure on the parties in the negotiations for a political solution to be gender-sensitive and for women’s needs, interests and views to be reflected in any documents issued by the Geneva negotiations. The WAB also reviews and analyzes documents issued by the Office of the Special Envoy or any other negotiating party. The WAB communicates as closely as possible with different representatives in Syria and other actors influencing the political process in Geneva.
Conclusion
In the peace process, the Syrian civil society tried to appear in multiple roles by trying to find the opportunity for it to be an active actor, and it has tried to seek to achieve political participation, and monitor the political and social movement. And it sought to work on empowering individuals and trying to provide open channels to present their views freely, to express their interests and demands in an organised and sound manner, and to deliver them to the peace process in Geneva. But the extent of the impact of its roles on the political peace process so far is still not sufficiently clear, and it is not clear that Syrian civil society has freedom, independence and recognition by the parties to the conflict of the importance of its presence in the Syrian peace process, and this reinforces the idea of many Syrians that The participation of Syrian civil society was cliched by the United Nations and the international community, without any sense of possible responsibility to give civil society a real role in the peace process.
The role of civil society in the Syrian peace process must be defined and empowered for the future to play an important role in protection and monitoring, advocacy and socialization, social cohesion, and facilitation of the provision of social and humanitarian services.
Peacebuilding is a process and not an event, and this means that it takes a long time to achieve its results, and that civil society has the ability to contribute to peacebuilding and facilitate the conditions necessary for building lasting peace, and that the functions of civil society are in protection from conflicts such as socialization, advocacy and the provision of various services, And that the effectiveness of these functions that are being implemented is strongly affected by the social context surrounding civil society and its functions, as it strengthens it or limits its effectiveness in general, the most important of which is the behaviour of the state; And the role of the media.
Finally, and as I always say, the first step to building sustainable peace is justice, and there is no peace without justice.
References
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9.Whitehead 10, 2004
10.Merkel and Lauth 1998, 7
11.Spurk and Paffenholz 2006
